“Observable Objects”: Assessing a Study of Instructors’ Grading by Ellen Quandahl

I’m going to use a small, under-theorized assessment project undertaken in the Lower Division Writing Program (which I direct) at San Diego State as an anecdote for thinking about practices of documentation within assessment.  Our project–to gather information about how teachers grade student writing–was what the assessment literature calls a “formative evaluation,” undertaken to help us answer the question “How can we improve our program?” (Erwin 7).  It was driven partly by suggestions from TAs that they needed more clarity about what constituted the A, B, and C paper in the first semester course and partly by the institutional mandate to present an assessment plan, guided by principles articulated by the American Association for Higher Education, as part of the departmental self-study prepared for external review.  (And I should add that this work antedates a system-wide call, this year, for an assessment driven curriculum, in response to which our campus is, I think wisely, looking into what we think constitutes G.E. through a series of faculty work-groups, even as departments develop learning outcomes and assessment instruments.)

My title, of course, refers to Foucault’s idea that today’s people, in order to be taught and brought into productive life in the society, are assessed, described, and made individual through an analytical pedagogy built upon schemas of observable, measurable or classifiable objects (218).  (That was an idea that had the writing profession shaken up a number of years ago, but which, oddly, seems to have receded as administrators and faculty embrace a language of evidence about outcomes and service to stakeholders.)   I’m interested in what happened when the text summarizing data in our study became an “observable object” in this sense, a text reinforced by institutional demands and read back to us in the course of a departmental review.  But I want also to refer to Jim Slevin’s fine recent CE article, in which he argues that the language of assessment, with its attention to evidence of learning, also obscures theintellectual work of students and faculty, which is difficult to make visible, because it seems “private and inaccessible” (294).  Slevin calls for bringing this work into the picture.  He writes: “Once this intellectual work can be seen. . . it can be studied and reviewed with rigor, according to norms generally recognized in the academy” (298).  I’m not sure how much he’s aware of the echo of Foucault, turned upside down, in that sentence, but what he’s calling for is a making visible of the things that tend to defy normative documentation: like the labor of producing and testing knowledge.

For our project, we asked TAs who were using a common assignment sequence to turn in student papers responding to a prompt which asked for the analysis of information in a piece by Clifford Geertz.  We invited departmental instructors to read four unmarked papers and to grade them using the citeria for evaluation that had been given to the students and used by their instructors. These criteria were customized for the assignment from a one-page list of course criteria, not unlike the “outcomes” document recently published by the WPA.  Our idea was simply to see the grading by TAs, lecturers and tenured faculty.   We put the grades on a chart, which showed that there was not perfect consistency of grading for any one paper.  Some were very close, but some papers received a wide array of grades.  The departmental review took place just after we had collected these data, and we shared with the reviewers this interpretive but uninterpreted document.

Our own follow-up was to select several papers, both the consistently marked and the anomalous, for discussion in departmental meetings.  I suggest that this ought to have been the key moment of data collecting, for the discussions revealed these things: that in addition to our different inclinations in reading Geertz’ argument, which were substantial, and our tendencies to weigh the six criteria differently, instructors also brought to their reading additional criteria, mostly having to do with matters of voice, correctness, and their sense of evidence of ESL writing.  These frequently overtook the focus on discussing what students had to say about Geertz, to which, in fact, there was a quite high resistance.  I believe, in other words, that a transcript of the discussions would reveal what one might call, following Christine Ross, the latent force of approaches to writing and reading quite different from those in our programmatic documents.  Such a transcript would make visible a range of discourses about literacy among our teachers, including: the discourses of past and recent schooling, of what one might term popular or public notions of what first-year writing ought to do, of the culture of other institutions where our instructors also teach, of programmatic documents, and of rhetorical and practical training offered in our TA program and graduate courses.

Our reviewers, however (who were selected by us and who wrote a powerfully positive response to the program) wrote three lines of text interpreting the project that I’ve outlined.  These were bullets, noting (despite our written criteria both for the course and the assignment) “inconsistency of grading standards across sections in GE courses,” and “the absence of agreed upon common standards of student writing in GE courses,” and urging us to “investigate a common final assessment for the course to establish common standards for student outcomes.”

My point is not to dispute these conclusions (for consistency across multiple sections is a real issue), but rather to suggest that they could not have been otherwise.  Our chart of grades looked like a kind of “true discourse,” providing a set of facts, arrayed and made visible, about difference in teachers’ grading. The array seemed at once to speak a question, to suggest that in this project what we sought to know is not how are we grading, but how can we normalize, and the answer came rushing in–by establishing common standards for outcomes, or rather clearer, more consistently gradable outcomes than those I spoke of a moment ago, which would in effect normalize our diversity of both students and teachers.

This makes very pointed the most important issue for assessment, and that is that one must carefully develop the question for what one seeks to know.  Out of this attempt, an intriguing set of questions emerges:  How, in rhetorical terms, is our faculty reading student texts?  What are the interpretive models that allow us to produce a reading of a student paper?  What are the markers that indicate ESL writing and what difference do those features make to teachers?  How do the elements listed in our evaluative criteria square with instructors’ schemas, and how do those criteria become discrete tasks, which, to quote Christine Ross, “take on specific force and produce a reading”?  These are formative questions. To make such answers visible might be what Slevin is getting at: whether we see composition as preparatory to or enacting the intellectual work of the university, whether and how we expect writing students to participate in making knowledge and testing its truthfulness.  I suggest that a better study would help us get at “the relationship between assessment and the intellectual purposes” (Slevin 289) of our particular institution.
Works Cited

Ewrin, T. Dary.  Assessing Student Learning and Development.  San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1991.

Foucault, Michel.  The Archeology of Knowledge.  New York, Pantheon, 1969.

Ross, Christine.  “In Pursuit of the ‘Clear’ and the ‘Fair’: Education Reform and the Limits of Institutional Discourse.”  Unpublished paper.

Slevin, James.  “Engaging Intellectual Work: The Faculty’s Role in Assessment.”  College English 63.3 (January 2001): 288-305.

Implementing the Master Plan: Undergraduate Writing Requirements and the Changing Face of California by Carrie K. Wastal

For those who do not know, California has a tripartite system for public higher education.  California’s tiered system is composed of community or two-year colleges, state colleges, and universities.  In 1959, California State legislature called on the Liaison Committee of The Regents of the University and the State Board of Education to develop recommendations for public higher education in the upcoming decade.  The result was The Master Plan for Higher Education in California, 1970-1985.  The committee focused its recommendations on the role of each tier, distribution of undergraduate and graduate students, economic considerations, and the physical plants of new and existing campuses.

Over subsequent decades, administrators, academics, and politicians have reassessed and updated the original Master Plan.  This paper quickly outlines the changes in the Master Plan that reflect the shifting cultural, social, and economic concerns in California and in public education.  Additionally, it draws attention to the ramifications for student admissions and student demographics at the University of California.

The original Master Plan demonstrates a distinctively economic viewpoint. Concerned with possible competition from private and out-of-state colleges and universities for qualified students and their tuition, the members of the joint committee examined ways to ensure a future student population and a certain quality of education.  At the same time, enrollment in all sectors of higher education was rising and expected to continue to increase.  As benefactors of public monies, public higher education in California had a legal obligation to accommodate the children of the state’s citizens.  Therefore, the plan had to make provisions for a wide range of students and student ability.

Whatever its concern for economic viability, the most far-reaching recommendation of the Master Plan has to do with admissions standards.  The 1960s admissions standards determined the distribution of California high school graduates in each tier.  According to the standards, the top 12 1/2 per cent of graduates were eligible for admission to the University of California, the top 33 1/3 per cent were eligible to state colleges, and the remaining graduates were relegated to community colleges.  This distribution was an attempt to reduce undergraduate enrollment at the University of California, where education is more costly, and disperse undergraduates to community colleges and state colleges, where education is less costly.  Yet, it concretizes a hierarchical system of student admissions.  In other words, in the plan, more qualified students will be admitted to the University while less qualified students will attend community colleges or state colleges.

Justification for the diversion of undergraduates to the community colleges depended on the following: junior college transfer students achieve higher scholastic records in state colleges and the UCs; community college screens the students most likely to succeed beyond the lower division; and the lower costs of community college as compared to state college and the UC.  Yet, the conclusion of that section emphasizes that the community college system is, in the words of the Master Plan, “noteworthy in that it provides high caliber lower division education . . . at a cost to the state much below that which can be offered by either of the other publicly controlled segments . . .” (65).

The Liaison Committee acknowledges that a myriad of factors prevent many high school graduates from entering higher education.  Such factors as incentive, early marriage, military service, and financial resources are listed. Financial resources could be read as an indicator of class, since some students cannot afford the costs of attending a UC.  However, the word class is not used in the original Master Plan.  The closest the plan comes is a series of recommendations for scholarships, including “subsistence scholarships.” Economics and student quality as a justification for the exclusion of the majority of California high school graduates stands as the Plan’s primary focus.

Race is also not mentioned in the original Master Plan despite society’s growing concern with Civil Rights during the late 1950s and 1960s.  Race, as a factor for admissions, remains unarticulated until later versions of the Master Plan.

The original Master Plan was not above recommending coercion when it suggested that counselors redirect some students into community college by selling them on its benefits.  The words of the plan state, “Whether by conviction or coercion, or both, the segments must divert students from overcrowded institutions to those with unused capacity” (81).  It is understood that this action should take place even if it means that some students will have to abandon their plans for higher education.  It also means that the Master Plan authorizes high school counselors to determine if that student can succeed at the UC.  In this scenario, a decision about education that may have belonged to the family is pre-empted.

Subsequent work on the Master Plan better reflects society’s increasing concern with issues of equal opportunity and affirmative action.  Later versions of the Master Plan raise race as a factor in admissions.  The advent of affirmative action and the adoption of California Legislature Resolution 151 (1974), which requires public higher education to reflect the ethnic makeup of high school graduates, brought race to the forefront of admissions discussions.[1]  Ironically, by the early 1980s, new Master Plan recommendations clearly separate out Asian students from African American, Latino, and Native American students. In other words, the Master Plan does not consider Asian students to be underrepresented, which is a precursor of the position of the UC during the admissions controversy at Berkeley in the mid 1980s.  Briefly, the 1984 fall admissions rate of Asian Americans fell dramatically despite indications of a rise in Asian American population.  Asian American community groups suspected that this fall was the result of a deliberate and hidden shift in administrative policy.  The ensuing admissions controversy lasted several years.

Arguably, the Master Plan attempts to balance rigorous admissions standards, fairness in admissions, and California’s economic realities in planning for public higher education.  Various versions of the Master Plan constitute efforts to implement legislative mandates in different eras of public higher education.  Of course such efforts are not unique to California.  Rather, they are indicative of the requirement that teachers and administrators implement the recommendations of legislative mandates.  This seems particularly important given the ubiquitous presence and often-contested role of writing and writing requirements in the admissions process of higher education.



[1] Assembly Concurrent Resolution 151—Relative to public higher education: “Requests governing authority of various institutions of public higher education to prepare a plan providing for addressing and overcoming, by 1980, ethnic, sexual, and economic underrepresentation in the makeup of the student bodies of institutions of public higher education, and to submit such plan to the California Postsecondary Education Commission by July 1, 1975, and request similar reports annually thereafter.”  Resolution 151 also states that institutions of public higher education should use “experimentation to discover alternate means of evaluating student potential.”

Space by Matt Costello

A silence unhampered by wind.
Birds hovering at the feeder.
You do not move,
are afraid to move.
Everything has converged
to form a teetering balance.
If you move, or even breathe,
the birds fly away, the branches stir
as if shaken by a current of air.
So you don’t move.
The birds eat at will.
The chair strains not to squeak beneath you.
You think the birds look at you,
but they are only looking for movement,
which you’ve sworn to yourself
you would not provide.

And then (something)
slams into your life.
It doesn’t make the birds flinch,
but inside you something new
has come to live,
where before there was
a space no one imagines is there,
at least not as easily as

hard disk C: type: 47 dot com
main processor, floppy drive A:
browse without moving, serial ports
www dot 80 more megs:

enough to fit your life in,
and the lives of all your friends.
your belongings: a bed, a table,
a television, even the books
were stacked and set inside,
and it was like you had just
laid the first brick of a wall
that until then you did not know
you were going to have to build.

The birds are feasting
and constantly on watch.
Nothing will fool them,
but this new event
has branded in you an unknown place,
and becomes the first thing
you store away there.
It is your aunt, dying.
You didn’t know her that well.
This is the first thing.
There is a lot more space.
The birds will never end up there.
They are twitching ravenously.
They are risking their lives.
They have heads of statues.
They fly away in fear.
They have been through this before.