Searching For Russell Crotty by Kimball Taylor

California Homegrounds
Art begins with the voice—deep and resonant—a radio voice calling in from another time. “The mosaic eyeball,” says Russell Crotty, and the phrase rumbled with possibility. “The mosaic eyeball.”

The fifty-four-year old artist walked the streets of Fort Bragg, an old Northern Californian lumber town. He saw two places: the slowly gentrifying tourist hamlet it is now, and the decaying backwater it had been during his youth. He remembered days when this central street was lined with seedy bars and mill workers. Paychecks dispensed at the nearby docks rarely made it home. Read more of this post

A Multimodal Critical Discourse Analysis of ‘The Kids Are All Right’ by Nancy Fox

Annette Bening and Julianne Moore

Figure 1. Nic (left) and Jules Allgood. Feminist Spectator. Web.

Time passes and a new generation discovers new and exciting things in the old stuff. Frantic picking and gleaning goes on, and creative editing. This is one way tradition moves forward, by moving an old idea into a new context and discovering that it can do the work of a new idea.” – William Grimes, Media Journal

“They’re all right. The kids are all right.” The Who

“It’s kind of a family values movie.” Lisa Cholodenko

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A Closer Look at the San Pasqual Battlefield by Briana S. Brigham

This paper will focus on various aspects of the San Pasqual Battlefield, located in Escondido, California. The notion of public memory, which emerges from the intersection of official and vernacular cultural expressions, will be explored through the history the San Pasqual Battlefield portrays (Bodnar 13). At a California State Park, such as the San Pasqual Battlefield, it is fair to say that visitors expect an unbiased assessment of the battle between the Californios and the Americans. Read more of this post

Confessions of a Blogagogue: Rethinking Cultural Studies, Technology, and Composition by Marcy Leasum Orwig

Abstract: The field of cultural studies has a long and varied history. It was estab-lished in the 1930s by scholars associated with the Frankfurt School. The tradition was continued by Stuart Hall and others at the Birmingham School of Cultural Studies in Great Britain. By the late 1980s and early 1990s, the field of study exerted an important influence on American composition theory and practice. Today, a re-newed interest in cultural studies is linked to the use of technology. Scholars such as Steve Jones and Stephanie Kucker (2001) discuss how “we [should] examine the Internet as another media technology situated in routine social practice and every-day life” (212).  But are the recent interpretations that link cultural studies to tech-nology justified? This article argues that such interpretations are justified and uses cultural studies as a way to rethink a specific aspect of new communication tech-nology: the current phenomenon of the blogosphere.  More specifically, this article will focus on whether or not students can apply critiques to culture through an eth-nographic study of composition blogs and will end with the implication of how new “democratic” technology can still potentially reinforce a hegemonic perspec-tive.     .

Introduction: Computer Technologies and Student Awareness of Culture
Cynthia Selfe and Susan Hilligoss, in Literacy and Computers, explain that scholars in the field of rhetoric and composition need to understand “how computer technologies, literacy, and culture are connected” (13). This statement puts into perspective the focus of my article.  I am most interested in how computer technologies, literacy, and culture combine to influence composition pedagogy.

Specifically, I am skeptical of the idea that computer technologies will automatically increase student literacy and their awareness of culture. As Clayton Pierce states, “Historically, technology within the sphere of educa-tion has always been a means by which to shape and enhance the transmis-sion of knowledge and information . . .Yet this relationship between educa-tion and technology has in official policies also been one of passivity and adaptation” (131).  Pierce’s point might seem pessimistic, but I agree with him that the acceptance of technology in education needs to be actively dis-cussed.

For example, overly optimistic statements like the following one by Mark Poster in “Consumers, Users, and Digital Commodities” is, for me, troubling: “In blogs, massively multiple online games, and peer-to-peer file-sharing programs, consumers are transformed into users, creating content as they download it.  In these contexts, the passive individual consumer of mediated industrial capitalism evaporates, and new figures of mediated practices are born” (249).  While I agree that students (as consumers) are often transformed into users, I disagree that the idea of capitalism will “evaporate” with the use of new technology. To further understand the topic of computer technologies, literacy, and culture, I begin my article with a short historical disciplinary context of cultural studies theory.
Disciplinary Context of Cultural Studies: Beginnings of Cultural Studies in the Composition Classroom
Cultural studies first emerged in composition theory and practice in the late 1980s and 1990s.  Diana George and John Trimbur explain in “Cultural Studies and Composition” that the Reagan-Bush years prompted a sense of urgency about the rightward direction of the country with its “back to ba-sics” attacks on the “permissive” 1960s.  Such a political turn in rhetoric and composition can be seen, according to George and Trimbur, by the late 1980s in a new emphasis on multiculturalism, the politics of literacy, and the implications of race, class, and gender for the study and teaching of writing (72).  In particular, James Berlin in Rhetorics, Poetics, and Cultures (1996) argues that it is impossible to separate literary and rhetorical texts from political life.  He states, “As the lived experiences and everyday lan-guage of citizens become more and more diversified . . . It is no wonder that the meaning of culture and its role in English studies are urgent issues to-day” (xx).  Later, Berlin presents his concept of “social-epistemic” rhetoric within refigured English studies.  He explains, “Social-epistemic rhetoric is the study and critique of signifying practices in their relation to subject for-mation within the framework of economic, social, and political conditions” (77).  Berlin acknowledges that such a concept is dense, but later explains the central role of ideology in the framework.  In other words, a social-epistemic rhetoric studies and critiques cultural signs and ideology in rela-tion to conditions based on the economy, society, and politics.

Cultural Studies in the Composition Classroom Today
Today, scholars such as Bruce McComiskey in Teaching Composition as a So-cial Process urge “writing teachers to incorporate social-process methodolo-gies into their existing composition curricula, not neglecting the linguistic and rhetorical levels of composing, but rather strengthening and reinforcing them with attention to the social contexts and ideological investments that pervade both the processes and products of writing” (134).  In other words, he encourages composition instructors to use cultural studies in their class-rooms, and he offers an example of rhetorical inquiry and cultural studies methodologies with his cycle of cultural production, contextual distribution, and critical consumption.  For the first part of this cycle, cultural produc-tion, he believes that students need to understand ways in which individu-als inscribe texts with “preferred readings” (25).  The second part of the cy-cle, contextual distribution, helps students examine the connection between context and culture.  In the third part of the cycle, the analysis of cultural values produced in texts and their “distributing media to the subjectivities who encounter the produced and distributed values” comes to the fore (29).  With new advances in communication technology, McComiskey argues that it is more important than ever for composition instructors to use such frameworks to show students how to critique culture.

I strongly agree with what McComiskey is calling for, and using cul-tural studies in composition pedagogy is, as Berlin also argued, an impor-tant undertaking for instructors.  Indeed, Nick Stevenson in Cultural Citizen-ship contends, “From the importance of ‘culture’ in determining the com-petitiveness of the modern economy, to the increasingly symbolic nature of political protests, we are currently living within a cultural society unlike any other” (16).  However, not everyone agrees with such a stance.  For ex-ample, during a 1997 College Composition and Communication Conference (CCCC) roundtable response to Berlin’s work, Susan Miller worried that “the content of such courses is not writing—is not persuasion to assume the positions of those whose acts of writing are interventions.  Nor is it system-atic demonstrations of how to write—not ‘well,’ but powerfully, to subvert . . . conventional subject positions” (499).  In other words, Miller is concerned that writing courses rely too heavily on cultural studies critiques.  Further, Diana George and John Trimbur respond to her in “The ‘Communication Battle,’ or Whatever Happened to the 4th C?” by writing, “We are sympa-thetic to Miller’s concern that media analysis, or more generally what’s be-come known as the ‘cultural studies approach’ to teaching writing too often winds up being a hermeneutic rather than a productive activity” (696).  The problem of using cultural studies in the composition classroom stems, I think, from the fact that cultural studies did not originally come from the field of rhetoric and composition.

The Background of Cultural Studies
Henry Giroux has called on instructors everywhere to include cultural stud-ies in the classroom.  He writes that “Culture now plays a central role in producing narratives, metaphors, and images that exercise a powerful pedagogical force over how people think of themselves and their relation-ship to others” (62). For this reason, Giroux argues that cultural studies connects knowledge to everyday life (meaning to the act of persuasion), schools and universities to broader public spheres, and rigorous theoretical work to effective practice that students can use in their relationships with others and the larger world (66).  Giroux explains, “This seems especially important at a time when new electronic technologies . . . as a primary edu-cational force offer new opportunities to inhabit knowledge and ways of knowing that simply do not correspond to the longstanding traditions and officially sanctioned rules of disciplinary knowledge or of the one-sided academic emphasis on print culture” (67).  While Giroux is certainly a pro-ponent of cultural studies, he also discusses some problems with using it as a pedagogical framework.  For example, he argues that it is often too far removed from other cultural and political sites where the work of public pedagogy takes place (71).  However, he asserts that cultural studies is about “Stepping out of the classroom and working with others to create public spaces where it [cultural studies] becomes not only to ‘shift the way people think about the moment, but potentially to energize them to do something differently in that moment,’ to link one’s critical imagination with the possibility of activism in the public sphere” (77).  While Giroux presents captivating and inspiring scholarship on cultural studies, he doesn’t give specific examples of how it might be used in the classroom.  His lack of concrete examples of how it might be used in the classroom for interactive student learning is due, in part, I think, to the very beginnings of cultural studies and its inception by highly theoretical intellectuals.

The Frankfurt School of Cultural Studies
The first work in cultural studies was done by a group of German intellec-tuals.  These scholars included, among others, Theodor Adorno, Max Hork-heimer, and Herbert Marcuse who were collectively associated with the Frankfurt School.  This school was established in 1923 and following the coming to power of Nazism in Germany in 1933, it moved to New York.  John Storey in Cultural Consumption and Everyday Life explains that, “The experience of life in the United States had a profound impact on the School’s thinking on the production and consumption of culture” (19).  For example, Adorno wrote about the culture industry in 1944, and his work critiques the emergence of mass media like films and radio.  He states:

Amusement and all the elements of the culture industry existed long before the latter came into existence. Now they are taken over from above and brought up to date. The culture industry can pride itself on having energetically executed the previously clumsy transposition of art into the sphere of consumption, on making this a principle, on divesting amusement of its obtrusive naivetes and improving the type of commodities.

In other words, Adorno claims that mass media are culture industries that manipulate the population into consuming widely produced messages.  These messages are then spread using technology, and here is where Her-bert Marcuse had his greatest influence because he relentlessly studied the role of technology and its impact on civilization.  Marcuse saw technology as anything but neutral as it contributed to and accelerated the decline of the individual’s potential for achieving a critical perspective concerning the existing conditions that constitute advanced society.  For example, he wrote that dissent against the status quo in such a context fades into the back-ground through the increased importance that technology plays in the pro-duction process of the technological society (11).

The Frankfurt School Continues with the Birmingham School
The tradition started by the Frankfurt School was continued by the Birmingham School of Cultural Studies.  In particular, Stuart Hall’s “Encod-ing/Decoding” (1973) proposed a model of mass communication that em-phasized the importance of active interpretation of messages in his “circuit of communication” (see figure to the right – Hall’s “Encoding/Decoding” [1973]).   Within this circuit, he explains that there is a progression from encoding (producing messages) to the actual discourse (the published text or broad-cast) to finally decoding (consuming messages).  Hall claims that mass communication is given to a diverse audience which then reacts diversely to the original message. He names three distinct categories of reactions: domi-nant (i.e. hegemonic view), negotiated (i.e. bargained view), and opposi-tional (i.e. counter-hegemonic view).  I will explain these categories in more detail later in my article when I analyze student writing.  While these cate-gories are helpful, Hall warns against an oversimplification of the audience reactions.

Extending the Cultural Studies Conversation
Hall’s article deals mainly with analyzing television discourse, but can his concepts of encoding/decoding also apply to new communication tech-nologies?  As mentioned earlier, McComiskey urges composition instructors to apply cultural studies to new technology.  Similarly, Pamela Takayoshi (1996) and Barbara Blakely (2000) also use Hall’s categories to analyze com-puter literacy. So, in order to extend this conversation, I present a sample analysis of one particular aspect of technology: the blogosphere.

The word blog was first used in 1997 to describe journalistic entries put on a personal website. Today, maintaining a blog is quite easy since there are interactive websites that allow anyone to do it: All you need to get started is a name, a password, and an e-mail address.  The most popular of these blog websites is blogger.com, which was started in 1999.  Its popular-ity is based in part on its ease of use and the fact that it allows users to per-sonalize their web addresses. Given the ease with which blogging can be practiced, the increasing popularity of the personal blog is not surprising. For example, today there is a proliferation of blogs and the blog search en-gine called Technorati recently found that 1.4 blogs are created every sec-ond of the day.

While there are many blogs, I will specifically analyze student blogs since my article has a pedagogical interest.  I, a self-proclaimed blogagogue, hope to begin a starting point for further conversation on the specific topic of student blogs while also encouraging composition instructors to think about how to best incorporate such blogs into their own classrooms.  As Cynthia Selfe and Gail Hawisher in Literate Lives in the Information Age write, “Culture plays a critical role in shaping values regarding the literacies of technology and that, at the same time, the literacy values and practices of people and groups also shape cultures” (126).  I contend that, within our field, this sentence sums up quite nicely why such further conversation is needed on the topic: at stake is cultural and rhetorical literacy for our stu-dents.

Encoding My Story: A Methodological Pun on Hall’s Theory
From a cultural studies perspective, one of the primary goals of literacy in-struction is to help students “read” the messages they receive from mass media. Interestingly, Hall notes that such a message must first become “a story before it can become a communicative event” (167).  So, to present my analysis of student blogs, I will “encode” the data into a “story.”  My sam-ple of student blogs comes from my experience of teaching a foundation communication course with 26 students at a large Midwestern university from August to December 2008.

I conducted my research by using ethnographic methods in an effort to analyze student blogging in the form of a case study.  I realized that a qualitative approach would be useful in gathering the data for my analysis because, as Denzin and Lincoln explain, qualitative research situates “activ-ity that locates the observer in the world. It consists of a set of interpretive, material practices that make the world visible” (4).  Specifically, I needed a method that would render a discourse community “visible” for my analysis and student blogs certainly fit the definition of a discourse community as they generate conversation.  Ethnographic researchers have been “drawn to discourse communities in order to gain a better understanding of the mean-ings that community members generate through conversation” (LeBesco 63).  Although there are many different approaches to qualitative research, I chose to use phenomenology for my study, which Creswell defines as re-ducing “individual experiences with a phenomenon to a description of the universal essence” (58).  Phenomenology, then, seeks to describe what par-ticipants have in common as they experience a phenomenon.

The rest of my article will begin with my “story” of student blogs, where I explain how blogs were used in my classroom and how my stu-dents responded to the assignment.  The article continues by using Hall’s concept of decoding to analyze my “story.”  I conclude with implications of applying Hall’s concepts to student blogs and what it might mean for in-structors of composition.

My Story: A Blogging Narrative
As I typed up the blogging assignment sheet, I had a hard time deciding what sort of topics my students should focus on.  Should I open it up to any topic?  Or, should I set a specific one?  Both options seemed viable to me, but I decided to ask students to blog about a topic related to all of their ma-jors: business.  By having my pre-business students write about this topic, my intent was that this would lead to them to write about some aspect of culture.  I also set a timetable so that my students wouldn’t procrastinate writing their five required blog entries.   I grouped these five required blog entries into three main rounds of blogging.  Since this was my first semester using blogs in the classroom, I wasn’t sure how it would go but I was curi-ous to see what would happen.     As the (fall 2008) semester progressed, I began to worry about having my students blog.  Unlike other traditional assignments where only I read their papers, their blogging would be available to anyone online.  As Selfe and Hilligoss write, “Writing that appears on a screen seems more public.  In contrast to the privacy of paper documents, the screen displays texts for all to see” (12).  Indeed, even though my students’ blogs would be marked as private, the potential for others outside of our class to haphazardly come across them and read what my students had written was still there.  Per-haps more important to me was the thought of what my students would blog about and how others would react to their blogging.  As my students progressed through the blogging assignment, I de-cided to project their entries onto the overhead screen during class and I had everyone share what they had written.  Not surprisingly, I found that most of my students were more vocal on their blogs than in a classroom dis-cussion.  For example, one student wrote what was supposed to be an analysis of a local Best Buy in town:

Being a Best Buy customer has a very good feeling because of the reputation that they have. They have one of the best productivity in the nation. Best Buy is very well known everywhere. They are basically an electronic store. They sell TV’s, stereos, and other house appliances.  The name Best Buy mean simply this: when buying products from them you get the “best buy”. I always think that when I go, I am getting the best buy when I buy the products.  Best Buy is my favorite place to shop for elctronics. I really encourage all my friends that are looking for appliances to go shop at Best Buy. Just like the name says you get the best buy when you are shopping for their products.

However, when I tried to get him to talk in class about his post on Best Buy, the discussion basically went something like this:

“Why did you choose this store?”
“I don’t know.”
“Well, you describe in your blog entry that you often go to this store.  Maybe this is why you chose it?”
“Yeah, maybe.”
And so on . . .

Most of the other students were the same way.  I would click on the stu-dent’s blog and up on the overhead screen there would be a substantive post about their chosen store.  However, when I tried to get them to talk about it in class, most of the students didn’t want to share.  Of course, even if they didn’t want to talk about their topic, I got them to talk eventually (however briefly).  Most of the students fell back on what they had written about in their post and so perhaps this made sharing a little easier.  I noticed that I would ask the student questions about the writing topic, but when I left it open for others to ask questions, there was silence.  With this experi-ence in mind, I wondered how they would be motivated to make comments on other each others’ blogs.

While the remaining student blog posts and comments, in general, were not very noteworthy, a good example from my class of a blog entry with corresponding comments came from one particular student who posted an entry about Mustangs (the car).  He started his entry with some general background information such as when it was launched (April 17, 1964) and how much the car originally cost.  He ended his entry with:

I have always wanted to drive a Shelby GT-500 Mustang.  Its looks are a thing of beauty, this vehicle is a mans car.  It featured special quarter-panel windows and rear air scoops on each side and an optional automatic transmisson.

I wasn’t expecting the rash of comments that his entry generated.  Within a day or two, his entry had generated eight comments.  It started with this one:

  1. Mustangs are one of my favorite cars. I have always wanted to drive on to. My friend had a musting but he sold. I wish i had the chance to drive one.        Then it continued with others:
  2. ooohh man shes a beauty. do you have a Shelby? personally i kind of like the Cobras a little more, but the mustang is definitely a great car and have made some awesome body styles over the years.
  3. I have wanted a mustang since I started playing with barbies.
  4. I personly think mustangs are poorly made…
  5. Really I thought that the car was named after a horse. I personally like mustangs because of the design of the car.
  6. I love Mustangs too. My friend had a white mustang and we were going out to eat somebody ran a red light and hit us. It didnt make it through.
  7. I always wanted a mustang for some reason. I think that it’s because they have so many styles and designs.
  8. Mustang is pretty much every teenage boy dream. All you think about is taking a girl out, or racing it. I will love to own a mustang. Its like a need, just like peanut butter and jelly.

After reading this student’s post and the following comments about it, I wondered if my students were going in the right direction with blogging.  In other words, I had imagined a very different response to the blogging assignment and perhaps I was too idealistic in thinking that they would just automatically assume a critical eye when using the technology.

To be fair, I had asked them to just write about business topics and I had not prompted them to think critically.  Another example of a student entry demonstrates the lack of a critical eye:

In an article i read, it talked about how blackberry is coming out with a new phone, The Storm, which is supposed to be the  competitor against iphones. The storm is said to be a better business phone over the iphone. i personally have a blackberry. I have the blackberry pearl through sprint. Blackberrys are compatible with many different carriers such as, at&t, t-mobile, verizon, and sprint. When at&t got their hands on the iphone and know that they are the only carrier to have the iphone, the other carriers decided to come up with a new phone to compete against it. Verizon made the dare and sprint made the instinct.

This particular entry had only one comment:

I think that its really good that blackberry is making an all touch screen phone. I love blackberrys and touch screen makes it even better! Indeed, it seemed like all my students were doing was writing about big box corporations, whether or not they liked Mustangs, and how cool the touch screen is on a blackberry.

Decoding My Story: Reactions to My Narrative
While there could be many different reactions to my “story,” as Hall would argue, I will present a decoded version of my reaction here (see figure – Hall’s “Encoding/Decoding Updated).  To begin, as mentioned earlier, his concept of the “circuit of communication” describes how messages are produced and then understood. For example, in the first part of the circuit (encoding) Hall was concerned with how mass media produce messages.  But, in the case of student blogs, instead of mass media it is the student who produces the message.  For example, the student who wrote about Mustangs “encoded” his message by implying that it is a “man’s car.”  Second, in the circuit, is the actual discourse (i.e. a book, an article, a television broadcast, etc).  However, technology such as blogs makes producing a message so easy that all this student had to do was hit the “publish” button on his computer.  At that moment, his post was able to be seen not only by the audience of his classmates, but also by anyone else who stumbled across it.  The last part of the circuit deals with decoding, or consuming, the messages that mass media give us.  With the example blog post, the student’s original meaning was certainly decoded by his other classmates.  In fact, we see a diverse reaction from the implied meaning of a Mustang to be a “man’s car” to the other meaning of a girl wanting one ever since she was “playing with Barbies.”

These diverse reactions fall into Hall’s three distinct categories of read-ing (as explained earlier): dominant (i.e. hegemonic view), negotiated (i.e. bargained view), and oppositional (i.e. counter-hegemonic view).  In the case of the Mustang blog entry, we could view the comments of it as a “man’s car” and “every teenage boy’s dream” as dominant, or hegemonic.  Other comments are harder to classify, such as the one discussing how they thought it was named after a horse or how they ran a red light which re-sulted in a smashed Mustang.  But, the one comment by a girl wanting a Mustang since she was “playing with Barbies” could be, I think, considered negotiated because she had a different reading of the original message.  While these reactions are interesting, what I find disheartening is that none of the students openly questioned the reputations of Best Buy, the value of a high-end car, or changing technology.
Differences between Traditional Cultural Studies and Today’s TechnologyWhat I find most interesting about all of this is that while Hall’s concepts still apply to the blogosphere, there is something else happening here as well. In other words, the concepts of encoding/decoding were originally focused on analyzing mass media such as television shows which were part of what Adorno would have called the “culture industry.” But what we have with the blogosphere is different in that there are fewer “gatekeepers.” For instance, bloggers can be anybody who is able to read and write (and who has access to a computer). They don’t have to be part of the “culture industry” the way a television producer or newspaper editor is. However, some might say that being able to read and write (as well as having access to online technologies) is now part of the culture industry.

Certainly Althusser, from a cultural philosopher’s point of view, would agree that students who learn to read and write become part of the workings of the culture industry. He asks, “What do children learn at school? They go varying distances in their studies, but at any rate they learn to read, to write and to add – i.e. a number of techniques, and a number of other things as well, including elements (which may be rudimentary or on the contrary thoroughgoing) of ‘scientific’ or ‘literary culture’” which are directly useful in the different types of production jobs.  He continues:

Thus they learn know-how . . . But besides these techniques and knowledges, and in learning them, children at school also learn the ‘rules’ of good behaviour, i.e. the attitude that should be ob-served by every agent in the division of labour, according to the job he is ‘destined’ for: rules of morality, civic and professional conscience, which actually means rules of respect for the socio-technical division of labour and ultimately the rules of the order established by class domination.

He concludes by explaining the “reproduction of labor power requires not only a reproduction of its skills, but also, at the same time, a reproduction of its submission to the rules of the established order” by reproducing the submission to the ruling ideology for the workers, and a reproduction of the “ability to manipulate the ruling ideology correctly for the agents of exploi-tation and repression, so that they, too, will provide for the domination of the ruling class ‘in words.’”  For example, with the case of student bloggers, if students are taught that Mustangs are a “man’s car” and can then also read and write about it they are unconsciously reproducing the dominant ideology.  I’m sure that Ford would have loved this student’s post because, as marketers know, word-to-mouth advertising is the best possible form of promotion.

Follow-up to My Study
I asked my students at the end of the blogging assignment about their per-ceptions of the process.  So, a few weeks before their last round of blogging was due, I canceled one week of formal classes and held conferences with my students.  During conferences, I learned that a few of them had previous experience blogging. But, otherwise many confessed that the first blog entry was the hardest because they were unsure of what a blog actually was.  One student told me that I was “turning him into one of those people” he didn’t like.  In other words, he didn’t like bloggers and he felt like I was forcing him to become one.  But he mentioned towards the end of our discussion that he now doesn’t mind blogs as much.  Another student commented that he had “always heard about blogging, [but I] wasn’t sure how to do it, I like it [the blogging assignment] and the structure of topics.”  Finally, one other student told me that she didn’t “like writing, but now [it’s] not so bad be-cause I like business topics, [I] wouldn’t have found [such topics] other-wise.”  Similarly, another student told me that she never watches the news or reads newspapers and that now because of blogging she is forced to pay attention to such information.  She said she felt that it was a good thing be-cause otherwise she wouldn’t have cared.  Finally, one student shared that it helped him express his opinions when compared to writing normal pa-pers because he felt like he had a larger audience.  These comments made me realize two things.  First, my students were taking an active part in their learning process.  But, second, using technology (in the form of blogging) did not make that learning process automatically critical, as Poster suggests.

I think that my students have shown where the real work comes into play for instructors of composition who might use blogs in their own class-rooms. More specifically, my students have demonstrated that new tech-nology will not just make them critical thinkers, in fact, it may reinforce a hegemonic perspective. Instead, as composition instructors, we still have the arduous job of helping students see how culture affects their discourse while also helping them see that more “democratic” technology can still po-tentially reinforce a hegemonic perspective.  Therefore, I think this exten-sion of the conversation on cultural studies and new technology is impor-tant. As Selfe and Hilligoss note, “If computers require students to learn new habits of reading, they also change the way students write and think of writing” (14). More specifically, with new technology like the blogosphere, it is more important than ever for students to understand why they think in a particular way. Their ability to “read” culture is critical because otherwise they are just reproducing the same ideological stories.

Implications/Conclusion: Blogging in the Composition Classroom
Certain questions arise from my “story” such as “Are students able to apply critiques to culture through blogging?”  and if so, “How?”  I think, through my article’s discussion, that the answer to the first question is both yes and no.  As mentioned before, my students were able to write about business (an aspect of culture) but they did not apply any real critiques.  If I were to try this activity again, I would work to revise the assignment sheet to elicit more critical blogs.  My second question “How?” is much more difficult to answer because, as mentioned before, my students did not just assume a critical eye when using the new technology.  Therefore, it is here that there needs to be further conversation.

To continue the conversation, I argue that instructors need to find ways to help students understand the process of decoding and encoding in their own work.  At this point in history, analyzing traditional mass media like print ads or television shows are useful, but so is analyzing writing that they can produce for a wider audience (such as blogging).  I once heard that instead of mass media today, there is media for the masses.  A survey con-ducted by Educause Applied Research (2007), shows the following facts:

  • University students spend 18 hours/week on the internet
  • Technology is first about communication for students
  • Many students (59%) prefer a “moderate” amount of instructional technology in their courses
  • Many students (60%) say instructional technology has improved learning in their courses

Such survey results show that, as Selfe and Hilligoss explain, “We see computer networks as a means for students to acquire literacy; that is, the networks can function as localized forums for acquiring the written literacy of a discourse community.  As students write, interpret, and negotiate texts via computer networks, they are participating within a context that pro-motes active learning” (89).  Thus, there is a real challenge that composition instructors have in incorporating technology into the classroom to help stu-dents analyze culture.

While I don’t have exact answers on how to help students analyze culture within the blogosphere, I hope my small study and resulting con-versation will encourage composition instructors to use and modify my ideas.  Also, I suggest here further resources for composition instructors to review and adapt into their own classrooms.  For example, George and Trimbur suggest two collections on how to integrate a more deliberate use of popular culture and media studies into the composition classroom with: Cultural Studies in the English Classroom (Berlin and Vivion, 1992) and Left Margins: Cultural Studies and Composition Pedagogy (Fitts and France, 1995). Additionally, they list textbooks associated with cultural studies including Rereading America (Colombo et al., 2007) which focuses on a series of dis-tinctly American myths and Reading Culture: Contexts for Critical Reading and Writing (George and Trimbur, 2006) which relies on semiotics to teach close readings of popular culture texts. George and Trimbur note that the popu-larity of cultural studies in the composition classroom may be attributed to the fact that the topics allow instructors to retain “two commonplace prac-tices: To begin student writing with a topic close to the self and to teach close reading and interpretation of texts” (“Cultural Studies” 82).  All in all, I believe that using cultural studies in the composition classroom is impor-tant and can lead to students thinking about the possibilities of “democ-ratic” technology, such as blogs.

Appendix—Blogging Assignment Sheet
Writing for the Web: Class Participation Assignment

Introduction:
This assignment asks you to practice writing for the web by maintaining a blog through wordpress.com.  We will be setting these blogs up in class.  Only me, your instructor, and your fellow classmates will be able to view your blog.  According to our textbook, Writing: A Guide to College and Be-yond, a blog is a source of public opinion (574).  Keep this in mind as you begin your assignment.

Assignment and Purpose:
You will post (or put on your blog) a total of 5 entries where you will write about current topics in business.  The first topic you will discuss will tie into your visual analysis paper.  Other topics that you could blog about include other topics related to material we discuss in class or material that you dis-cuss in another business oriented class.  Additionally, you can blog about current topics in business and these topics could be focused on something that you read in a magazine or newspaper, hear on the radio, or see on tele-vision.  Also, you can write about a past experience you might have had in a business situation.

It is completely up to you what you will blog about.  But, remember that the point to blogging is to form an opinion about a topic and then write about why you feel this way.  By doing this type of exploratory writing, you will not only learn about business topics, but you will also practice writing.  As our textbook says, “Along with learning to write well, learning to think critically is the most important skill you will gain in college because your success in your professional and public life will depend on it” (12).

In addition to posting 5 entries, you will respond to your classmates’ entries by commenting on what they write about.  During the course of the semes-ter, you will make at least 5 comments.  Keep in mind that what you write will be seen by everyone in the class and that we will periodically look at examples from the class.

Planning:
As you think about starting this assignment, read pages 12-13 in our text-book.  Reading these pages will help you plan what you want to say in your blog entries.  As you post your blog entries, keep in mind the following out-line in addition to concepts discussed in class about what makes a “good” blog:
1. introductory paragraph explaining post
2. paragraph covering material you will discuss/blog about
3. paragraph with concluding remarks

Evaluation Criteria:
• Required amount of blog entries per semester (5 total, 5 comments)
• Blog entries demonstrate the thoughts and opinions of the blogger (you, the student)• Blog entries are on business topics
• The entries contain few grammar/spelling errors
• Blog entries refrain from profanity or inappropriateness

Schedule:
Thursday, Sept. 25 1st blog entry with three pictures of your sign/logo
Thursday, Oct. 23 2nd & 3rd blog entries on topics of your choice and also 2 comments on other blogs
Thursday, Dec. 4 4th and 5th blog entries on topics of your choice and also 3 comments on other blogs

By Marcy Leasum Orwig, Iowa State University

REFERENCES
Adorno, Theodor and Max Horkheimer.  The Culture Industry: Enlightenment as Mass Deception. 1944. <www.marxists.org>. Online.

Althusser, Louis. Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses. 1970. <www.marxists.org>.  Online.

Blakely, Barbara. “Critical Computer Literacy: Computers in First-Year Composition as Topic and Environment.” Computers and Composition 17 (2000): 289-307. Print.

Berlin, James. Rhetorics, Poetics, and Cultures: Refiguring College English Studies. Urbana, IL: National Council of Teachers of English, 1996. Print.

Creswell, John W. Qualitative Inquiry & Research Design. London: Sage Pubs, 2007. Print.

Denzin, Norman K. and Yvonna S. Lincoln. “The Discipline and Practice of Qualitative Research.” Strategies of Qualitative Inquiry 3rd ed. New York: Sage, 2007. 1-43. Print.

George, Diana and John Trimbur. “The ‘Communication Battle,’ or Whatev-er Happened to the 4th C?” College Composition and Communication 50.4 (1999): 682-698. Print.—. “Cultural Studies and Composition.” A Guide to Composition Pedagogies. New York: Oxford U P, 2001. Print.

Giroux, Henry. “Cultural Studies, Public Pedagogy, and the Responsibility of Intellectuals.” Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies 1.1 (2004): 59-79. Print.

Hall, Stuart. “Encoding/Decoding.” Culture, Media, Language. Ed. Stuart Hall, Dorothy

Hobson, Andrew Lowe and Paul Willis. London: Hutchinson, 1980. Print.

Jones, Steve and Stephanie Kucker. “Computers, The Internet, and Virtual Cultures” Culture in the Communication Age. Ed. James Lull. London: Routledge, 212-225. Print.

LeBesco, Kathleen. “Managing Visibility, Intimacy, and Focus in Online Critical Ethnography.” Online Social Research: Methods, Issues & Ethics Ed. Mark D. Johns, Shing-Ling Sarina Chen, & G. Jon Hall. New York: Peter Lang, 63-80. Print.

Marcuse, Herbert. The One-dimensional Man: Studies in the ideology of Advanced Industrial Society. Boston: Beacon, 1964. Print.

Miller, Susan. “Technologies of Self-Formation.” Journal of Advanced Communication 17 (1997): 497-500.  Print.

McComiskey, Bruce. Teaching Composition as a Social Process. Logan, UT: Utah State U P, 2000. Print.

Pierce, Clayton. “Democratizing Science and Technology with Marcuse and Latour.”

Marcuse’s Challenge to Education. Ed. Douglas Kellner. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield Pubs, 2009. Print.

Poster, Mark. “Consumers, Users, and Digital Commodities.” Information Please: Culture and Politics in the Age of Digital Machines. London: Duke UP, 2006. Print.

Selfe, Cynthia and Gail Hawisher. Literate Lives in the Information Age. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 2004. Print.

Selfe, Cynthia and Susan Hilligoss. Literacy and Computers: The Complications of

Teaching and Learning with Technology. New York, MLA, 1994.  Print.
Stevenson, Nick. Cultural Citizenship. Berkshire, England: Open University, 2003. Print.

Storey, John. Cultural Consumption and Everyday Life. London: Arnold P, 1999. Print.

Takayoshi, Pamela. “Writing the Culture of Computers: Students as Technology Critics in Cultural Studies Classes.” Teaching English in the Two-Year College 23.3 (1996): 198-204. Print.

Evangelical Christianity Online: Eliciting Material World Responses in the Cyberworld by Erin Flewelling, San Diego State University

On Good Friday, one of the most significant days in the Christian calendar, when Christians commemorate Jesus’ death on the cross, LifeChurch.tv’s Church Online gathered for an online global prayer outreach for upcoming Easter Services.  Essentially, individuals from around the world—who understand each other through the magic of translation software—logged onto http://babelwith.me and prayed together for friends and family who had not yet begun a relationship with Jesus.  This community of people is serious about the role they play in fulfilling the mission of God on earth, that is, connecting men and women to God and to each other in spite of the fact that most of them have never met in person.

Church Online is associated with LifeChurch.tv, a multisite evangelical Christian congregation that relies heavily on technology to expand its reach from headquarters in Oklahoma City, across all of Oklahoma, Texas, New York, Tennessee, and Florida.  Although most elements of services at their physical campuses are live, the teaching portion is a live feed or a prerecorded segment, depending on service time.  Their large staff also produces high quality supplementary videos, artwork, and curriculum which they offer free of charge to other churches along with sermon outlines and use of sermon videos.  They were also one of the first churches to venture into the internet campus world with the launch of services on Easter 2006.  Basically this allowed them to extend their message anywhere on the planet with an internet connection.  In a 2009 article published in Leadership Journal, Bobby Gruenewald, Pastor of Innovational Leadership at Lifechurch.tv, estimated that approximately 50,000 unique IP addresses log onto services every week, with about one in ten staying for the entire service.

I get a lot of questions when I tell people I’m researching online Christian churches.  They want to know if an online church can actually function as a church.  Certainly, the Internet is a great informational tool, and nobody is surprised about the proliferation of religious websites, but the idea that people can form spiritual connections over the internet seems counterintuitive.   However, the Internet presents enormous opportunity for evangelicals, and we shouldn’t be surprised that churches would want to levy that technology.  Stephen O’Leary reminds us that as people spend more and more time online, it “would indeed be an anomaly if a cultural force of this magnitude were not to find expression in the newly developing world of computer networks” (282).

The adoption of any technology, however, should raise questions about the effect of that technology on the people who use it.  Heidi Campbell writes that fears have “emerged that online religion [will] cause people to abandon their pews in exchange for worship via the keyboard and computer screen, further effecting the steady decline of “real world” church attendance” (xvi), and Brenda Brasher suggests that the “chief worry is that engagement with the Internet could reconfigure the traditions that technologically adept, spiritually committed people have gone online to maintain” (xii).  Others are more optimistic, but essentially, as Dawson and Cowan remind us, the “consequences for religion are yet largely unknown,” and we need to ask how this “new way of being religious” will make a difference in the way “religion is conceived and practiced in the future.”

Morten Høsgaard states the obvious when he says that religion cannot have an essence or existence independent of human existence, and that “allegedly pure cyber-religious sites are . . . produced and used by persons who do not live their entire lives ‘on the screen.’”  In other words, people who participate in online religious websites are real people living in a real world.  This way of thinking is compatible with evangelical Christianity, which argues against a purely propositional or virtual belief system, stating that faith without works is dead.   Evangelical Christian churches have very specific goals–life transformation, becoming like Christ, and sharing the story of Jesus with others.  The Christian faith is more than propositional; it is transformational.  Craig Van Gelder, professor of congregational mission at Luther Seminary in St. Paul argues it is “important . . . to keep returning to the foundations of what it means to be the church of Jesus Christ in the world” (1).  Indeed, he claims that the “the primary issue confronting the church in our context today “is the need to re-examine and re-envision what it means to be the church” (vii).  That includes the innovative use of technology.

Gruenewald, LifeChurch.tv’s Pastor of Innovation, says, “Our desire is to leverage technology to connect people to Christ, to each other, and to their community” (Hall 48).  These are the same goals as they have for their physical campuses.  But can an online church really do that?  Can an online church achieve the same things as a church with a physical presence?  And can decisions made in the cyberworld actually change the way individuals live in the material world?  LifeChurch.tv’s Church believes that they can.

In an attempt to fulfill its goals, Church Online has incorporated layers of rhetorical strategies, designed to take any cyberworld response into the material world.  In examining some of those strategies, we’ll look at three major elements of Church Online: embedded features on the website; the chat feature that is ongoing throughout services, enabling guests to interact with each other; and the actual recorded worship experiences.  Next, we’ll examine appeals made to extend the message of life transformation from the cyberworld into the world in which we all live.  We will also discuss the development of ethos and the use of repetition to effect life transformation.

First, the embedded features on the website allow visitors to the website to explore Church Online 24 hours per day, whether a service is going on or not.  Guests to the website can link to Facebook, they can “tell their stories” on a form, request additional information or “Live Prayer” in a private chat setting.  They can also access a blog written by Church Online staff and volunteers, who write about issues relevant to the online community including service opportunities through Church Online as well as opportunities to serve in the real world, and the importance of belonging to a Life Group.  One blog discussed how online communities deal with a death.  There was even a humorous video depicting Church Online chat conversations, which actually seem pretty odd at times.

The chat component of the Church Online worship experience opens approximately 30 minutes prior to the service starting and extends for approximately 15 minutes after the service ends.  The forum can be distracting for individuals who want to focus on the sermon without interacting with others.  As I said, the chats can seem odd as multiple conversations go on simultaneously – individuals will log on with their own agendas, their own theologies, or looking for dates.  However, after observing these chats for the last month, I understood that this chat component is a major way that relationships form at Church Online, and increases the likelihood that participants will respond to the messages found on the site.  I began to see many of the same people on the chat.  A few were present every time I logged in; others logged on to the same services week after week.  Listening in to their conversations, it was clear that these people had “history” together.  The forum is moderated by volunteers: a captain, an admin, hosts, and prayer volunteers.  They all receive video training on a password-protected portion of the website.  Volunteers greet every guest who signs into the chat, and from time to time they suggest ways for guests to make the Church Online worship experience more comfortable, such as turning off the chat or accessing sermon notes.  Volunteers respond to questions and engage guests in thinking about messages communicated through the recorded segments.  Frequently, one of the volunteers will send out Tweets with essential questions asked within the sermon or they’ll reference major points made in the sermon.  These Tweets become part of the chat.  For example, during week two of Red Letter Day, volunteers regularly sent out the statement, “Withholding forgiveness can hold you captive.  How can you truly forgive and be free?”  As guests chat, they engage these questions, and as a result the appeals made in the prerecorded segment are repeated throughout the Church Online experience.

The prerecorded portion includes a variety of segments.  Every service begins with a greeting from a campus pastor in the United States or from one of their global partners.  In the last few weeks we have been greeted by a couple from Northern Ireland, a pastor from Australia, a pastor from South Africa, a Czechoslovakian woman as well as a lay pastor from Atlanta.  These greetings connect viewers around the world and emphasize that although Life Church headquarters are in Oklahoma, the church itself has a global presence.  A second greeting comes from Brandon Donaldson, the Church Online Campus Pastor.  The worship band sings three songs.  This is a highly energetic band, and the music has broad appeal, featuring acoustic and electric guitars, bass, and drums.  Song lyrics flash across the screen, and guests can link to the band’s Facebook site if they want, choose to follow the lead vocal on Twitter, or purchase songs through i-Tunes.

Topical sermons emphasize practical real world application.  In the three sermons I transcribed, we were urged to trust God during difficult times, we were challenged to forgive, and we were asked to serve others out of love.  Past sermon series have focused on marriage, raising children, and financial issues.  Scripture appears on the screen, below the speaker, and guests can access the sermon outline by clicking on an icon.  They can take notes on the outline and if they write in their email address, Church Online staff will send a copy of the notes. The pastor wears jeans, a T-shirt, maybe a blazer, but never a tie.  In fact, you won’t find a suit and tie anywhere on this website or during these services.  These are real people, living in a real world, and guests to the website can identify with them.  Sermons often includes video testimony from church members who tell portions of their life story to illustrate the sermon points.  For example, in Red Letter Day #1, a supplemental video featured three individuals from different ethnic backgrounds and different ages.  Each sat alone on a red bench in front of a white background, looking directly into the camera, essentially into the eyes of the Church Online participants:

  • The first, a young white female, was nearly in tears as she spoke: “Hi, my name is Lisa, and in July 2008, my husband and I went in for a routine ultrasound at 20 weeks, and we found out then that our baby didn’t have a heartbeat.”
  • Next, a middle-aged white male spoke: “Hi, my name is Scott.  About, it was early morning, I got a phone call, and it was about my grandson being taken to the hospital.  And he was my little buddy.  He was the world to me.  I have other grandkids, but he was special.”
  • Finally, a twenty-something black female told her story:  “Hi, my name is Deidre, and, um— my father sexually abused me until I was eight years old. And he also beat the living daylights out of my mother.”

They continued to alternate, telling portions of their stories, describing a variety of situations where individuals might ask God what was going on.  After the pastor completed his sermon, a follow-up video ensued, and these individuals returned to tell their stories about how God breathed light into darkness.  Videos like this one function in a variety of ways.  Obviously, there is a pathos appeal as these individuals tell their stories, as we focus on their faces and hear the pain in their voices.  We are likely to have experienced something similar, or at least we know someone who has, and so we identify with these individuals.  In addition, these videos allow us to see points of the message applied to real life situations, like the ones we experience on a daily basis.

One of the most powerful elements to establishing Church Online as a legitimate spiritual community is the construction of ethos.  In On Rhetoric, Aristotle writes that if a speaker seems to be a “certain kind of person and . . . his hearers suppose him to be disposed toward them in a certain way . . .” (112), then the rhetoric will be more effective in persuading hearers to respond in a particular way.  In the case of Church Online, not only do the various speakers need to develop credibility, but the website itself and the various uses of technology must be constructed in such a way as to build trustworthiness.  Aristotle cites “three reasons why speakers . . . are persuasive” and listed “practical wisdom . . virtue . . and good will” (112) and certainly these are evidenced in the presentation as teaching pastors and lead musicians share personal challenges in living out their marriages, raising children, or dealing with economic issues.  They demonstrate a strong desire to live good lives, positively impacting and influencing their communities.  In the chat, captains, hosts, and admin open the chat by welcoming anyone attending the service.  They greet each guest who logs on, and they respond with caring tones.

In her rhetorical analysis of the websites of congregational churches, Lynne Raab notes that “high quality photos and graphics” which “demonstrated . . . a tight and coherent design . . . conveyed to some audiences a sense of authority and credibility based on quality, increasing their persuasive appeal” (153).  Indeed, this is a professional, quality site.  Videos feature multiple camera angles, lights, effects.  This is as good as anything seen on television.  If participants arrive before service begins, a time clock, counting down the hours before the next service starts.  Remarkably, participants can converse with people in multiple countries through translation software. All of these professional qualities convey a sense of trustworthiness and credibility that increases the persuasive appeal of the messages LifeChurch communicates.

A map of the world identifies all the countries logged onto any service, further legitimizing the experience, as does the presence of people from various cultures in the chat.  Furthermore, the existence of thirteen physical campuses across five states lends credibility, constructing an identity that extends from the cyber world into the physical world.  During the music segment, the cameras primarily focus on the worship band, but from time to time, it pans back, showing the congregation standing, engaged in worship.  The effect of these shots is to connect Church Online participants to real people, engaged in a live service.  When participants worship with Church Online, they are part of something that extends beyond the Internet.  Lives are being changed, decisions are being made, and communities are being formed as Church Online partners with churches across the United States and even around the world in building the Kingdom of God.  Indeed, last fall Church Online tangibly partnered with LifeChurch.tv’s physical campuses to put together Life Packs containing items to help people meet basic needs.  Campuses across the United States chose where to deliver Life Packs, and individuals involved with Church Online could choose to deliver them to their own community or to be part of sending Life Packs to a school in Pakistan.

All of these elements lead to a sense that Life Church can be trusted, that LifeChurch.tv has the authority to speak for God.  This lays a foundation for other messages, communicated repeatedly through various means in the sermons, ads, on the chat, and on the website.  The more times participants hear the same thing, the more likely they are to respond, and Church Online stays on message throughout the one-hour experience.

During Red Letter Day #3, Church Online Campus Pastor Brandon Donaldson pulled up his iPhone to read the story of a woman whose life changed because of being involved with Church Online.  During the same service, a video ad reminded participants that not only can they access several versions of the Bible through YouVersion, a free “app” for web-enabled phones, but they can also participate in surveys and type sermon notes on the outline provided through YouVersion.  Guest speaker Pastor Joel A’Bell commented to the live congregation that he no longer hears the shuffle of page turning as people open their Bibles.  Instead, he hears the click-click-click of people accessing their iPhones.

I don’t have a web enabled phone—I’m not sure I need one, and I’m not sure my eyesight would even allow me to read a YouVersion Bible—but after spending the last month with Church Online, I really want one.

Over and over I watched a video exhorting me, “You are called,” “You were meant for something greater.”  Faces of men and women of all ethnicities directly facing the camera, eyes apparently looking directly at me.  In her rhetorical analysis of church websites, Lynne Baab identifies these kinds of images as a “demand” because the participant’s gaze demands that I enter into some kind of imaginary relationship with him or her (154).  The call is vague and ambiguous—it applies to anything and everything that has been said during the service, whether on the chat, in various videos, or during the sermon.  The voice continues:

You will restore good back into the broken everywhere

All you need is Christ at the center of everything

Be who he called you to be because who you are is far greater than what you do

You are called.

This video exhorts me to do something, and allows me to interpret its message.  Perhaps it’s to forgive, to work on my marriage, to invite people to Church Online, to make a decision for Christ, to do something significant for my community.

At the end of each service, participants are asked to acknowledge their response to the sermon message.  During the first sermon in the series Red Letter Day, Pastor Craig Groeschel addressed his listeners, stating:

If you’re in a difficult place right now, and you say, Craig, I really do need prayer.  I would love to pray for you.  If you would like, if you really need prayer right now . . . would you just lift up your hands right now, at all of our locations, just go ahead . . . and just lift your hands up right and say, I need prayer.

At Church Online, response to this appeal is signified by clicking on a raised hand, shown on the screen.  A box below the screen acknowledges that the participant has raised a hand and counts the number of hands lifted.  A few minutes later, the Church Online Campus Pastor returns to the screen and urges respondents to request a “What’s Next Kit” containing a Bible, to join a small online Life Group community, or to click on the prayer link to speak to someone more privately.

Repetition is a powerful rhetorical strategy, and the service is filled with invitations to get involved in life groups, to volunteer with Church Online, to choose to follow Christ, to log on to the Prayer link.  As I watch again and again, I lower my natural defenses and I become more open to the messages of Church Online.

The first time I logged on to Church Online, I was distracted by the chat.  There were too many things going on for me to concentrate on the actual sermon message, and for whatever reason, the prerecorded segments seemed distant. Despite the fact that I was warmly welcomed by people on the chat, I wondered whether or not true spiritual community was possible and questioned whether or not Church Online could function as a “real church.”  After spending the last month transcribing services, though, watching people interact on the chat, hearing the message of life transformation over and over, I am changing my mind.  Perhaps it is the development of ethos, or perhaps it is sheer repetition, but I am beginning to believe that Church Online is a real church. However, I am already amenable to ideas of faith, and perhaps my bias toward faith influences my response.  As a Christian, already involved with a faith community, I am not Church Online’s intended audience.

I am curious as to their actual audience, a difficult determination due to the anonymity of the internet.  And yet, these are questions that have to be asked in order to determine whether or not the rhetoric of Church Online actually achieves its goals.  I want to know:  Is Church Online the primary religious experience for participants, or is it supplemental?  How do participants find Church Online, and what prompts them to stay?  What is their religious background, and how does that background affect their response to the rhetoric?  I also want to know: How many participants begin attending one of LifeChurch’s actual campuses, and how many begin attending another church?

Church Online Campus Pastor Brandon Donaldson closes every service, saying:“Remember, whoever finds God finds life.” And so these next questions are probably the most important in determining the persuasiveness of rhetoric:  What effect do decisions to begin a relationship with Christ made in the cyberworld make on lives lived in the world outside the internet?  Is there long-term transformation?  These and other topics concerning the nature of online religious community and the effect of technology, particularly religious technology, depending on the way individuals think and respond to the world offer endless opportunities for research.
Works Cited

Aristotle.  On Rhetoric.  George A. Kennedy, Ed.  New York: Oxford University Press.  2007.

Print.

Baab, Lynne M.  “Portraits of the Future Church: A Rhetorical Analysis of Congregational

Websites.”  Journal of Communication and Religion 31, November 2008: 143-181.  Web.

20 Feb. 2010.

Brasher, Brenda E.  Give Me That Online Religion.  San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.  2001.  Print.

Campbell, Heidi.  Exploring Religious Community Online: We are One in the Network.  New

York: Peter Lang Publishing. 2005.  Print.

Cooper, Joshua.  “Finding God on the Web.” Time.  Time.com.  16 Dec. 1996.  Web. 29 Nov.

2009.

Dawson, Lorne.  “The Mediation of Religious Experience in Cyberspace.”  Religion and

Cyberspace.  Morten T. Højsgaard and Margit Warburg, Eds. 15-37.  Print.

Dawson, Lorne and Douglas E. Cowan, eds.  Religion Online: Finding Faith on the Internet. 

New York: Routledge.  2004.  Print.

Hall, Chad.  “Church Virtually.”  Leadership Journal Fall 2009: 46-52.  Print.

Højsgaard, Morten T. and Margit Warburg, eds.  Religion and Cyberspace.  New York:

Routledge.  2005.

O’Leary, Stephen J.  “Cyberspace as Sacred Space.”  Journal of the American Academy of

Religion 64:4 (1996): 781-808.  JSTOR.  Web. 24 Nov. 2009.

Van Gelder, Craig, Ed.  The Missional Church in Context.  Grand Rapids: Eerdmans Wm. B.

Publishing Company.  2007.  Print.

Rhetorical Constructions of Masculinity in Maxim Magazine by Andrew Hinds, San Diego State University

One of the top three questions in contemporary gender studies may well be: “what is masculinity?”  Before moving on to my analysis of gender construction in the popular men’s lifestyle magazine Maxim, I will explore some of the answers that experts have postulated to this vexing question.

Prior to the emergence of gender studies, and its sub-discipline, masculinity studies, and its sub-sub discipline, “heteromasculinity studies,” gender was the focus primarily of psychology and sociology.  For background on psychological perspectives on masculinity, I turned to an article by Andrew P. Smiler from the journal Sex Roles, called “Thirty Years After the Discovery of Gender: Psychological Concepts and Measures of Masculinty”.  This survey reveals much about the recent history of the intuitively seductive, yet slippery premise that there are fundamental differences, other than the obvious physical ones, between women and men. Smiler shares how, in its quest to empirically quantify features of human nature, the discipline of psychology has articulated aspects of gender identity and created inventories of these traits that have evolved over time. But these conceptions of masculinity are not bound to their own time period: some of them surface periodically in different contexts, and some of them simply persist.  None of them just go away.

Smiler points out one assumption that applies to all the theories in his survey: that “gender affects individuals across a broad cross-section of their lives by prescribing certain behaviors and proscribing others, from personality attributes through attitudes, and from vocational choices through leisure activities” (16).  I have not found any literature that credibly complicates this assumption, and it strikes me as accurate, so I will labor under it as well, focusing on the ways in which those prescriptions and proscriptions are constructed, reflected, and maintained rhetorically in popular culture.

Smiler sees the women’s movement and the gay rights movement as the context in which gender was “discovered,” and claims that one effect of this discovery was that thereafter, men were studied as men, and not as “idealized, nongendered humans”(15).  He refers to the period prior to the seventies as “prehistory,” a time during which masculinity was conceived of as a “single, coherent construct.”  A 1936 inventory by Terman and Miles codified the constructs of masculinity and femininity as polar opposites and measured the masculinity of subjects in terms of the degree to which they were “powerful, strenuous, active, steady, strong, self-confident, with preference for machinery, athletics, working for self, and the external/public life.”  Masculinity was also characterized by dislike of “foreigners, religious men, women cleverer than [they], dancing, guessing games, being alone and thin women.”(17).  Sound like anyone you know?  Low scores on the masculinity test (by males) were considered problematic and predictive of a range of pathologies.

Many of the tenets of masculinity proposed by Terman and Miles persisted, but the perceptions of where they came from and what they meant changed among the psychological and sociological communities.  In my vastly oversimplified version of Smiler’s timeline of gender theory in psychology, we can see the notion of a fixed, natural, idealized masculinity in the “prehistoric” era give way to the “androgyny movement” of the seventies, in which both “masculine” and “feminine” traits exist to greater and lesser extents in all people, largely determined by “historical accident”(Bem).  This theory couched most gender traits in positive terms, and high degrees of both masculine and feminine traits were perceived as positive. In androgyny theory, gender traits were considered distinct, but not oppositional.  Another nascent school of thought in the eighties was the “ideology movement” which posited that the tenets of masculinity represented an ideology to which individuals were compelled to conform.  The tenets of this ideology included nonfemininity (or antifemininity), independence, status-orientation, heterosexuality (or antihomosexuality), toughness, and risk-taking (Brannon) (18).  The names of the measures associated with the ideology movement—“Macho Scales” and “Hypermasculinity Index”—reveal a growing sense that too much masculinity could be toxic.

The eighties saw a further move towards conceiving of masculinity—and gender in general—in terms of the problems it caused.  The “sex role stress paradigm” envisioned gender as the most complex of the many roles we are required to perform as members of communities and measured it in terms of the extent to which attempting to inhabit these roles caused “restriction of the person’s ability to actualize their human potential or the restriction of someone else’s potential” (19).   In the mid-nineties, a school of thought emerged in which the notion of “multiple masculinities” was key.  This idea that masculinity takes many forms—and that people shift between those forms, depending on the social context—still informs most current theory, whether that theory conceives of gender as an essential part of our identities, a repertoire of roles we play, an ideological stance, or a social construct.

This brief history of psychological theories of gender is meant to provide background against which I might proceed with my project: a rhetorical analysis of an artifact of popular culture.  I might just as well have provided a history of the trends in feminist literary criticism, discourse theory, or portrayals of men in television situation comedies; but I chose psychology because it has the longest tradition of the methodical study of gender, and theories in this discipline have enabled the emergence of new research questions and methodologies.  My point here is that the shifts in thinking about the provenance and meaning of masculinity are available for scrutiny all across our culture, in areas as disparate as academia, the workplace, pop psychology, talk shows, and so forth.  The conversation about gender identity and politics in all of these realms is as much a reflection of attitudes toward gender as it is a construction of them.  In the rhetorical spirit of using every available perspective to theorize on the “ways of the scramble” (Burke), I will borrow from various disciplines, with a particular focus on the linguistic, in order to tease out the exhortations and ideologies embedded in this highly gendered text and examine the ways in which it offers a range of masculine subjectivities for its reader.

Maxim magazine originated in Britain as part of the “new lad” school of publications, which includes primarily Maxim’s competitors, FHM and loaded, that began in the mid-nineties.  By the time Maxim launched to great fanfare and immediate commercial success in the U.S. in 1997, an entire discourse about the “new lad” was already part of British culture.  The “new lad” can be conceived of as a character or a masculine subjectivity both created by and reflected in British popular culture.  He exists largely as a reaction to the “new man,” a sensitive aesthete informed and constructed by the influence of feminism and the major movements of the last thirty years of gender theory.  The “new lad,” on the other hand, is unabashedly invested in traditional hegemonic masculinity, although he often tempers this orientation with “irony[1]” to pre-empt protestations of sexism, perhaps even from himself.   He is typically college-aged, but can remain in this state of extended adolescence indefinitely, and he is the demographic that makes Maxim the best-selling men’s lifestyle magazine in the U.S.

The “new lad” and the phenomenon of “laddishness” appear frequently as a theme in the British press concerning media, education, and culture; and there has been a fair amount of British scholarship about men’s lifestyle magazines.  But despite the fact that Maxim has a circulation of 2.5 million in the U.S. (the content in the U.S. magazine is virtually the same, with some cultural adaptations), and the (ironic) celebration of traditional masculinity has spawned whole genres within American pop culture, little scholarship exists about men’s lifestyle magazines here, and the American analog to the “new lad” does not even have a name.  Problematic American masculinity is usually studied in “crisis” terms; for example, boys falling behind their sisters in school, joining gangs, and becoming nihilistic and antisocial.  Perhaps, compared to this, irreverent “laddishness” seems like a minor concern.  Nonetheless, a seemingly reactionary movement is always worth investigating, especially when it is presented veiled in glossy layers of tantalizing pseudo-irony as are the masculinities of Maxim.  And as for a solution to the lack of language to discuss the American version of the “new lad,” I propose the use of the term “new dude” for the subject position and for his behavior, “dude-ishness.”

Judith Butler claims, “there is no gender identity behind the expressions of gender; that identity is performatively constituted by the very ‘expressions’ that are said to be its results” (Traister, 293).   If so, then how do texts contribute to the constitution of gender?  Is this view reconcilable with Sunderland’s contention that we should analyze gender as a “construction of a range of masculinities and femininities through a range of gendered discourse in a range of topically related texts”? (Stribbe, 34).  The intersection of gender as performance and gender as constructed is evident in the frequently didactic features of Maxim.  Maxim teaches its readers how to perform the “new dude” construction of masculinity.

One of the tropes that Maxim uses to instruct its readers in masculinity is the “badass”—the old school hero who, through his audacity, toughness, risk-taking, and sexual prowess, represents a role model for the “new dude.”  The traits of the badass correspond closely to some of those in the Terman and Miles inventory from 1936: he is “powerful, strenuous, active, steady, strong, and self-confident.”  Men characterized as being badass (adj.) or being a badass (n.), would be off the charts on the Macho Scales, especially in the areas of toughness and risk-taking.  Maxim regularly profiles extreme athletes, martial artists, mercenaries and serial killers, whose derring-do is written of in tones of reverence, whether they are praised for their BASE jumping accomplishments or lauded (“ironically” of course) for their body count and sadism.

In an article in the March, 2008 issue entitled “D.C. Smackdown!” Maxim pits Republicans against Democrats in a six-round “battle for badass supremacy,” by profiling members of each party and having a panel of judges determine which side wins each round.[2]  The “rounds” are categories of manly deeds, including “Lady-Killers,” “Party Animals,” “Military Valor,” “Trash Talking,” “Random Acts of Machismo,” and curiously, “Embarrassing Infractions,” a category for which the politicians earn points for their nonmasculine shame (one politician cried, another was a college cheerleader, and John Kerry’s infraction is loving to windsurf).  The first five rounds align with “new dude” constructions of masculinity, but the “Embarrassing Infractions” category can be explained as part of what Benwell calls “a rhetorical structure that creates ambivalence through a continual oscillation between heroism and anti-heroism.”  She writes “By distancing himself from masculine constructs, either through anti-heroism…or through an ironic gloss, the magazine man achieves a kind of invisibility—his self-awareness pre-empts critical (feminist) scrutiny” (162).  Like the use of pseudo-irony, the hero/anti-hero shift is a hedge:  the “new dude” cannot be pinned to any one ideology.  In fact, a lack of commitment to anything (even that which is revered is not sacred), except for humor and fun, is an aspect of “new dude” masculinity.

In “D.C. Smackdown,” former presidential hopeful Fred Thompson is profiled under the heading of “Lady Killers”:

“When the phlegmatic Law & Order star was asked what his most prized possession was by the AP, he responded, “Trophy wife.”  The New York Times considered whether the cleavage of his 24-year-younger wife, Jerri would help get votes. (Um, nope.)  Fred has actually fathered children with his babe wife, which is as inspiring as it is repulsive” (99).

Here, the pseudo-irony and hero/anti-hero toggling is in full effect.  There are not many textual cues that this passage is meant to be ironic, except for possibly the parenthetical “um, nope” comment and the juxtaposition of “inspiring” and “repulsive.”  If we accept the surface meaning of the text, are we to believe that “new dude” masculinity condones treating women as commodities and possessions?  Or do we read it ironically as a feminist critique of Thompson and his ilk?

The answer is more complicated than either of those: the ambiguity in even this short passage offers multiple subjectivities for the “new dude” to inhabit, or multiple (often simultaneous) masculinities for him to perform, depending on the social context.  At once, the “new dude” may feel nostalgia for the traditional masculinity of his father or grandfather’s generation, and an unrestrained urge to mock the heroes of those generations as sexist pigs. He may also feel, and/or perform, reverence for an old codger with a hot young wife; and feel and/or perform disgust at sexual images of the couple.  Furthermore, the feminist critique implicit in the passage about Thompson is not lost on the “new dude”—it is in fact a more plausible reading than the surface meaning.  But, as is the case with the proposition of hero worship, the “new dude” is not asked to think about it too hard or take it too seriously.  In a case of traditional irony, Maxim, through the gloss of pseudo-irony, teaches not only traditional hegemonic masculinity, as many critics accuse, but also the ambiguous, fluid, contingent, performative masculinity proposed by current theory.  Sociolinguist Scott Fabius Kiesling writes, “Stance is…the location of the structural coupling between performativity and structure; it is in stances that identity performativity takes place”(251).  The ambiguity and ambivalence of Maxim’s ideologies offers “new dudes” a variety of stances to shift between as they practice performing masculinity.

Another common trope in Maxim (and one of the categories in “D.C. Smackdown”) is variously called “trash talking,” “talking smack,” or “ball busting.”  This is the practice of ritual insulting, which, like the switch from heroic to anti-heroic modes of discourse, is often a fallback stance to be used in a case where a threat of dangerous levels of seriousness or sincerity looms.  It is also represented as an art, and Maxim frequently offers primers, guides, and collections to be enjoyed by the connoisseur or practitioner.  Sometimes the insults are ostensibly meant to be used against the reader’s enemies, but more often, they are to be offered in the spirit of good-natured ribbing of friends.  In a Journal of Popular Culture article called “Male Gossip and Language Play in the Letters Pages of Men’s Lifestyle Magazines,” Benwell compares the ritual insult in the genre to Flyting, a Norse practice of verbal swordplay, and Sounding, also known as “The Dozens,” a mostly African American social practice that usually involves the insulting of mothers.  All of these rituals are conducted primarily by males and, as Benwell argues, are meant to reinforce masculine values and social structures.  In the case of men’s lifestyle magazines, Benwell contends that the discourse of insult is part of a reaction against the intimate, friendly tone, mockingly referred to as “synthetic sisterhood,” employed in women’s magazines.

In an article called “Maxim’s Guide to Ball Busting,” the reader is provided a list of insults for many occasions and social contexts, including “General Cruelty,” “Bestest Pals,” “Sex and Dating,” “The Office,” and “Chillin’.”  Most of the insults involve impugning the sexuality, masculinity, penis size, or sexual prowess of one’s friends, or making outrageous sexual claims about their mothers, sisters, and girlfriends.  These insults, presented in the usual Teflon package of pseudo-irony, are full of linguistic turns that reveal much about ideologies of gender and sexuality.  To be fair, these barbs are clearly meant to be funny and representative of the type of discourse that a “new dude” would only engage in with someone with whom he was close enough that offending him would be impossible.  This is one way in which this type of ritual maintains group identity by protecting the male bond—we even can think of this as strengthening that bond by pushing it to its limits.  Nevertheless, raw homophobia and hegemonic masculinity are key to the humor of these “busts” and even though they are meant to be funny and “ironic,” they are not quite satire in that they do not invite a critical consideration of their inherent ideologies.

However, there are two “busts” that take a different turn that I am interested in because they self-consciously address issues of male intimacy and discourse and simultaneously display the limits of the “new dude’s” tolerance for this kind of reflection.  The format of this article sets up a scenario and then provides the appropriate insult for the occasion.

Example 1

Use when: Your best friend has just taken a bullet for you.

Bust: “It takes a brave and honorable man to commit such a selfless

act of heroism. Or do you have a thing for me?”

Example 2

Use when: A friend who is dying of a rare disease tells you that he’s

blessed to have had you in his life.

Bust: Gotta go…SportsCenter is on.

The values that contribute to the humor in these two “busts” are very much the tenets of traditional masculinity.  In “bust” #1, the speaker applies masculine virtues to his dying friend, but at the moment that the open admiration verges on unacceptable intimacy, he juxtaposes these virtues with the specter of homosexuality, traditional masculinity’s antithesis.

In the second “bust,” there are no accusations of homosexuality, but there is an expression of what Kiesling calls homosocial desire.  Kiesling argues that there are safe venues and channels, like fraternities, for these kinds of expressions.  However, the scenario in “bust” number one, presumably a one-on-one situation, is not one of these venues.  Perhaps even more than the sentiment behind the expression of homosocial desire in this exchange, the style in which it is presented is depicted as inappropriate.  The phrase “blessed to have you in his life” is clearly the rhetoric of “synthetic sisterhood,” and the kind of thing that the softest “new man” might be expected to say.  The phrase “Sports Center” quickly grounds the speaker in traditional masculinity and defends against the contagion of the “blessedness” rhetoric.  The joke would not have been as funny if the dying friend had said “I fuckin’ love you, dude,” because the contrast between the “feminine” language of emotional intimacy and the reaction of abandonment would not have been as stark.  But also, the reader would not identify with the character who abandons his dying friend, because the dying friend has not transgressed the linguistic conventions of the “new dude” even if he has pushed the boundaries of the topics of conversation.  Given the circumstances, this expression of intimacy would be forgivable, and the character who abandons his friend would be the villain.

Both of these “busts” bespeak an inability to respond to a gesture of love from another man, which is a comedic device recognizable from sit-coms, buddy movies, and “bromances.”  As is the case in the “D.C. Smackdown” the surface meaning of the utterances is not a tenable interpretation, but a strictly ironic reading (i.e., “this is what you would say if you were a complete asshole”) is problematic as well.

These two “busts” make two interesting comments about “new dude” discourse.  In the first case, the discursive conventions of ritual insult prevail even in the dire situation of the battlefield, and thereby maintain a comforting social order.  One can imagine the friend who took the bullet being reassured by the constancy of the discourse that everything would be all right (“my buddy wouldn’t call me gay if he thought I was dying.”)

The critique inherent in “bust” number two is not that men are by nature insensitive and incapable of emotional honesty.  A more nuanced reading can interpret it as almost a lament of the degree to which “new-dude” masculinity has precluded the possibility of taking anything seriously; and also as an affectionate portrayal of a new dude who is both protected and afflicted by the slick veneer of pseudo-irony.  Here, the dying friend is portrayed as ridiculous for adopting feminine discourse in his moment of weakness. But the friend who flees to watch Sports Center is not a hero; rather, he is almost equally absurd, constrained as he is by the “new dude” discourse.  Nonetheless, the reader identifies with the abandoner because he is aware of the ways in which he himself is constrained by “new dude” conventions.  This relates to the heroic/anti-heroic shift common in “new dude” discourse.  The heroic is something to admire, and perhaps aspire to, but the new dude recognizes his weakness and shrugs it off with the nonchalance born of a “knowing and ironic relationship to the world of adult concerns” (Gill, 37).  This shrugging indicates the end of the conversation—the “new dude” does not need to discuss the social constraints of his own discourse.  That is the kind of nonsense in which a new man—or a woman—might engage.

Conclusion

Sales of Maxim are still strong, and its website is wildly popular.  And the “new dude” discourse sells millions of movie tickets and advertising space on television.  In fact, the trope of the man-child who is reluctant to abandon the comfort of his “new dude” lifestyle reveals a growing consciousness of this phenomenon.  However, it is most frequently presented as a loveable quirk, rather than a problem.

I don’t suggest that “new dude-ishness” is some kind of crisis into which we need to pour all our resources.  But I do think we would be wise to continue investigating the ideologies that inform it.  Even if the end result of “new dude-ishness” is an “ironic relationship to the world,” we should keep in mind that “new dudes” sometimes make decisions that affect people around them.  When backed into a corner and faced with the seriousness of the world, what ideologies will the “new dude” turn to?  Will he seriously consider and criticize every possible perspective?  Will he embrace the feminism that he has grown up “good-naturedly” excoriating?  Or does he rely on the tenets of traditional masculinity, in which he recognizes foibles, but generally regards with nostalgic affection?

I also do not suggest that the only subjectivities available for young men are those found in “new dude” culture.  Other subjectivities, related to other cultures and their discourses, and sometimes deliberately adopted from historical models, appear, sometimes unexpectedly (“emo kids” on myspace) and make themselves available.  Men’s lifestyle magazines are an inexhaustible source for the study of not just constructions of masculinity, but for the construction of femininities (obviously), sexuality, consumerism, aesthetics, politics and more.

 

REFERENCES

Benwell, Bethan. “Male Gossip and Language Play in the Letters Pages of

Men’s Lifestyle Magazines.” Journal of Popular Culture 34/4 (2001): 19-33
“D.C. Smackdown.” Maxim Mar. 2008: 98-101

Davis, James, P. “Maxim Magazine and the Management of Contempt.”

Journal of Popular Culture 38/6 (2005): 1011-1021

 

Kiesling, Scott Fabius. “ ‘Now I Gotta Watch What I Say’: Shifting Con

structions of Masculinity in Discourse.” Journal of Linguistic Anthropology 11/2 (2001): 250-273

 

“Maxim’s Guide to Ball Busting.” Maxim.com

 

Smiler, Andrew P. “Thirty Years After the Discovery of Gender: Psychologi

cal Concepts and Measures of Masculinity.” Sex Roles 50/1 (2004): 15-26

 

Stribbe, Aaran. “Health and the Construction of Masculinity in Men’s Health

Magazine.” Men and Masculinities 7/1 (2004): 31-51
Traister, Bryce. “Academic Viagra: The Rise of Masculinity Studies.” Ameri

can Quarterly 52/2 (2000): 274-304



[1]  Bethen Benwell, in Masculinity and Men’s Lifestyle Magazines calls this form of irony a kind of “mischievous knowingness,” that “puts the burden upon the receiver to share the joke, regardless of their usual politics.”  She says of this form, so typical of ‘lad’ magazines, “an expression of ironic intention (‘only kidding’) is a frequent accompaniment to a politically-unpalatable sentiment since it allows the sender to save face whilst preserving the form (and therefore potentially the meaning) of the original, surface utterance intact” (20).  However, unlike verbal irony, which can be indicated by “air quotes” or other non-verbal cues, “the presence of irony in men’s magazines is something which is rarely recoverable from the text at all but relies upon a more global knowledge that sexism in ‘new lad’ culture is ironically, nostalgically and harmlessly meant…”(20).  It seems to me that this form could be described as “pseudo-irony,” or, in conversation “irony” (with “air quotes”). I find that pseudo-irony is used as a blanket disclaimer to inoculate against criticisms in areas other than sexism as well.

[2] In the interest of full disclosure, I’m compelled to mention that Hillary Clinton and Maxine Waters are among the Democrats profiled in the “Trash Talking” round. There are quite a few other instances when the term “badass” is applied to women, especially those who are involved in violence in some way.  In this respect, Maxim aligns itself with the “androgyny” school of gender theory.